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What is Heirs' Property?

SCSJ's Becky Jaffe explains the concept of heirs' property and discusses the importance of land ownership in communities.

Interview with Rebecca Fontaine, a Community Organizer in North Carolina

See link for audio interview. The Bond Fund interviews Rebecca Fontaine, who is the community organizer at the Southern Coalition for Social Justice (SCSJ) in Durham, North Carolina. She discusses how she works with her colleagues and the Bond Fund on our joint project to oppose local police cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Rebecca dedicates her time to Immigrants’ Rights organizing and casework as a bilingual immigration paralegal. She brings a long history of participating in Latin America Solidarity work including trade justice campaigns, equitable development, demilitarization, and immigrants rights activism. Before coming to SCSJ she worked in Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast for over two years doing community-based development with rural families and coordinating experiential education for international delegations. Most recently she worked in a resource office at an immigrant-led community center in Durham. Rebecca graduated from Bowdoin College in Maine in 2005.

Building Grassroots Power through the Census

Not only have SCSJ’s community partners throughout the South been working hard to reduce the undercount, but they have also been using the census as an organizing tool for building sustainable grassroots power. Sixty-eight organizations in five states – VA, NC, GA, FL and LA – have implemented their own unique outreach projects through funds from SCSJ’s mini-grant program. These groups and other organizations are collaborating with the communities they support and are a part of – disenfranchised communities that the Census Bureau has struggled to count for decades, such as working-class families, communities of color, homeless people and new immigrant communities. Conducting outreach around the census has been a fantastic opportunity for grassroots community organizations to build their base, strengthen their capacity, and cultivate relationships with other progressive and grassroots organizations. In Guildford County, NC, various groups joined forces to form the Census Community Coalition, with strong representation from the Latin@ community, the Arab/Middle Eastern community, African immigrant groups, the Montagnard Dega community, the African-American community, and local student groups. Organizations like FaithAction International House, Montagnard Dega Association, La Vela Center, and the Islamic Center of the Triad have collaborated to develop their grassroots analysis of the census while sharing resources and strategies. Some examples of outreach in their communities include door-to-door canvassing, church announcements, flyering at local events, and new technology messaging through YouTube videos. Working off of their census partnerships, this coalition and others across the south will continue to mobilize and politicize their constituents and membership, through redistricting and beyond. Haven’t been counted in the census yet? Not sure? Call the Census Bureau’s hotline to get counted or have your questions answered.

Group Files Lawsuit Against Wake School Board

Group Files Lawsuit Against Wake School Board By myNC.com WAKE COUNTY, N.C. - A group of Wake County citizens has filed a lawsuit against the Wake County School Board. The suit, which was filed Thursday morning, references a March 23 meeting where the Wake County School Board passed a resolution opposing the diversity policy in favor of so-called "neighborhood schools." The plaintiffs are being represented by the ACLU of North Carolina, Southern Coalition for Social Justice, NC NAACP, UNC Center for Civil Rights, NC Justice Center and multiple private lawyers. According to the suit, the plaintiffs argue that the school board made no effort to make it possible for everyone to attend that diversity policy meeting, despite the overwhleming public interest. Many of the plaintiffs in the suit allege that they were barred from the meeting, violating state law and undermining the democratic process. "The school board has made it clear that they have an agenda to follow," said Woody Barlow in a written statement. Barlow is a plaintiff in the lawsuit and a junior at Enloe High School. "I feel cheated that they would skirt procedure just to have their way, and regardless of what people think of the policies of the board, everyone should feel threatened by their disregard of the democratic process." Manypeople were barred from attending due to limited space. Some news organizations offered to pay to move the meeting to a larger venue. But the offer came too last minute, and the school board then issued a ticket policy for the meeting. The lawsuit asks the court to invalidate the actions taken on March 23 based on violations of the Open Meetings Law. "The suit does not ask for any money in compensatory damages. It is purely a good government lawsuit," said Irv Joyner said in a written statement. Joyner is an attorney with the NC NAACP. The plaintiffs also ask the court to order the school board to eliminate policies and practices adopted since the March 23 meeting that have restricted public access to the board. The suit asks the court to require new, clear and consistent procedures put in place to ensure that all members of the public who want to attend meetings are allowed to do so and to effectively participate in the process.

Lawsuit filed against Wake school board

Lawsuit filed against Wake school board By T. Keung Hui (Raleigh) News & Observer Posted: Thursday, May. 06, 2010 RALEIGH — A group of Wake County residents filed a lawsuit this morning accusing the Wake County school board of violating state law by restricting public access to a meeting in which a resolution was passed calling for community schools. In the lawsuit filed in Wake County Superior Court, the residents say the school board violated the state Open Meetings Law by requiring people to get tickets to attend the meeting. During the meeting, the board passed by a 5-4 vote a resolution calling for the creation of community-based schools and the end of the district’s socioeconomic diversity policy. The lawsuit asks the court to throw out the vote. The citizens are represented by the ACLU of North Carolina, Southern Coalition for Social Justice, NC NAACP, UNC Center for Civil Rights, NC Justice Center and multiple private lawyers. Citing security and crowding concerns, the school district had required people to get tickets for a seat in the board room. The overflow crowd at the meeting stretched into the hallways and outside the building. Three people were arrested at a protest. The lawsuit cites the offer by The News & Observer and Capitol Broadcasting to pay for the cost of relcoating the meeting to a larger site. Citing logistical concerns, school board chairman Ron Margiotta turned down the request. The civil rights groups representing the people filing the lawsuit had also raised concerns that day about the ticket policy. keung.hui@newsobserver.com or 919-829-4534

Point of view: Severing the bonds of trust

Point of view: Severing the bonds of trust BY CHRIS LIU-BEERS RALEIGH - As people of faith, we are greatly disturbed by reports of local law enforcement targeting Spanish-language church services in their misguided hunt for undocumented immigrants in Zebulon. All people - regardless of their immigration status - have the right to worship free from harassment and unconstitutional checkpoints. Just because someone doesn't have the right papers for the U.S. government does not make him or her any less a child of God. It's shameful that a country so proud of its religious freedom would unfairly target church-going members of the community. Everyone deserves to be treated with dignity and respect. Imagine the outrage and front-page headlines if police officers interrupted Sunday services at prominent white churches looking for people who cheated on their taxes or were late on their child support. Do we really want to be a society where you have to show proper documentation before being allowed to attend church? The N.C. Council of Churches has always affirmed that police and other institutions of justice have a vital role to play in our society, especially when they act in good faith to serve the common good and to protect the vulnerable against abuse. As North Carolinians, we are indeed deeply thankful for the policewomen and men who serve our communities, protecting individuals and society from criminal behavior. However, to the degree that particular law enforcement tactics tend to prey on those with less power in general and immigrant communities in particular, we are compelled to speak as people of conscience and faith. In fact, these kinds of rogue tactics are not only immoral, they also threaten public safety. When police target churches to enforce federal immigration law, it severs the bond of trust that is necessary for law enforcement to serve and protect immigrant communities. Across North Carolina, immigrants (both documented and undocumented) are becoming increasingly hesitant to report crimes to the police because they fear that they will be deported. This fear applies to both crime victims and witnesses. Again, we have to ask ourselves: do we really want to live in a society where our neighbors won't call the police when they see our houses being robbed? Rebecca Fontaine of the Southern Coalition for Social Justice reminds us that "Using local police officers for immigration enforcement erodes public trust in law enforcement, systematizes racial profiling, creates incentives for illegal arrests and prevents police from doing their job, failing to keep some of our most vulnerable communities safe." We believe that the rule of law is important. "Many people think we have good [immigration] laws and bad people who are breaking them," says Frank Sharry, head of America's Voice, a pro-immigration reform advocacy group. "But we have bad laws and mostly good people who have no line to get into legally." Until Washington has the courage to take action, we'll probably see more local dollars misallocated to round up church-goers. In the meantime, people of faith across North Carolina are joining together to demand that immigrants be treated with dignity and respect - as children of God. Chris Liu-Beers is a program associate with the N.C. Council of Churches

Suit Challenges Diversity Vote

Suit Challenges Diversity Vote BY T. KEUNG HUI AND THOMAS GOLDSMITH - Staff Writers RALEIGH -- In the first legal challenge for the Wake County school board majority and its vow to remake North Carolina's largest school district, opponents filed a lawsuit Thursday arguing that two votes against the diversity policy should be tossed out because state law was violated. The lawsuit, filed in Wake County Superior Court, contends that the school board majority has stifled public participation by deliberately refusing to move recent board meetings to larger venues despite knowing there would be large crowds in attendance. This refusal violated the state's Open Public Meetings Law , the lawsuit says, so votes taken March 23 and Tuesday to ditch the diversity policy and replace it with a student assignment policy canted toward neighborhood schools should be declared void. Some of the civil rights groups providing legal services have also criticized ending efforts to balance the percentage of low-income students at individual schools to bolster overall academic achievement. Several of the plaintiffs are parents and students, many from magnet schools, who have spoken out against changing the diversity policy. "Whether or not you support the diversity plan, the school board wasn't doing what it was doing the way it was supposed to be doing it," said Andrew Snee, 15, a Broughton High School freshman and one of the plaintiffs. School board Chairman Ron Margiotta has toldsupporters they should expect a number of lawsuits from opponents. On Thursday, he said this lawsuit was merely a tactic by opponents to stop the board majority from fulfilling its campaign promises. "I think we bent over backwards to allow people to speak," Margiotta said. "If they want to just bring us into court, all this will do is take more money from the children of this county. Accept the wishes of the people of this county." A court hearing has been scheduled for 2 p.m. Wednesday in Courtroom 5B in the Wake County Courthouse in downtown Raleigh. On March 23, the board voted 5-4 in favor of a resolution calling for the creation of community-based schools and discontinuation of socioeconomic diversity. On Tuesday, the board gave initial approval by a 4-3 vote to a revised student assignment policy that fleshes out the previous resolution. Early warning But the threat of legal action has been in the air since before the new board majority took office Dec. 1 after four Republican-backed candidates swept last fall's election. The Rev. William Barber, state president of the NAACP, warned at the time that if Wake County's new approach to assigning students wound up resegregating schools, the system could be subject to a lawsuit based on the state constitution's stipulation that all children are guaranteed a sound basic education. Margiotta cited the threatened NAACP suit against Wake as a justification for hiring Republican lawyer Tom Farr as interim special counsel. Margiotta said the board's majority members wanted to keep their options open in case they chose not to call on longtime board attorneys Tharrington Smith, whose founding partner Wade Smith is a former state Democratic Party chairman. The state NAACP is among the groups providing attorneys in the lawsuit. Other groups in the case include the ACLU of North Carolina, Southern Coalition for Social Justice, UNC Center for Civil Rights, and the N.C. Justice Center. Orage Quarles III, publisher of The News & Observer, is a member of the board of directors of the N.C. Justice Center. The crowds at board meetings have sharply increased since December, escalating the often rancorous public opposition to the ruling majority. Starting with the March 23 meeting, the school system began requiring tickets for seats in the boardroom. Margiotta had cited concerns raised by the fire marshal for the change. But the lawsuit contends that the board created the ticket policy and chose not to move any of the meetings to a larger venue because it felt that "full public access" might "threaten their narrow majority and jeopardize" their plans. "They felt that hearing from so many people was slowing down the process and slowing down what they wanted to get done," said Woody Barlow, 17, an Enloe High School junior and one of the plaintiffs. The suit notes how the school board turned down the last-minute March 23 offer from The News & Observer and Capitol Broadcasting to pay for relocating the meeting to the Progress Energy Center for the Performing Arts in downtown Raleigh. "This is about democracy and the way we make decisions in this country," said Swain Wood, the lead attorney for the plaintiffs. The crowd at the March 23 meeting overflowed into the hallway and outside the building. Angry students began chanting, leading to the arrests of three protesters, none of whom are current Wake students. Tedesco shrugs School board member John Tedesco, a member of the majority, called the case a "nuisance complaint." Even if the board loses the case, he said the only thing that will happen is they'll reapprove the changes again. "All they're doing is taking money out of the classroom to pay for their lawsuit," Tedesco said. "It won't change the vote."

School Board Opponents Arrive Early For Meeting

School Board Opponents Arrive Early For Meeting By Thomas Goldsmith - Staff writer RALEIGH -- Opponents of the Wake County school board's plans to end use of socioeconomic diversity in student assignment were already in place today before the beginning of a preliminary meeting now in progress. Several representatives of the grassroots nonprofit Great Schools in Wake were among those waiting in the lobby of the schools administration building on Wake Forest Road to receive tickets for the meeting. And several are in attendance at the meeting of the Committee of the Whole, which precedes the full board meeting at 3 p.m. The move to take diversity out of the assignment equation at the full board meeting has brought out not only several long-term supporters of the former diversity policy, but also plans by a social action group to demonstrate outside the building. The Coalition for Southern Justice, based in Durham, filed the necessary paperwork to stage the demonstration. Passage on second reading of a new assignment policy would represent a significant victory for the current board, which has four members who joined after posting wins in contentious elections last fall. It would end decades of Wake County's attempts to balance student populations in an effort to keep schools from having excessive concentrations of low-income or minority students. Supporters of the change have said the old policy merely hid the low academic performance of students in low-income and minority groups by sending them to schools that were high-achieving in aggregate. Update: As the Wake County School Board prepares to reverse its long-time diversity-based assignment plan, about 15 protesters are chanting against the change. Outside the schools administration building on Wake Forest Road, students from Broughton, Enloe and Cary high schools are carrying signs and shouting "Shut it down!" about the new assignment plan. The plan is up for its second reading later today. "We have demands for the school board," said Andrew Snee, 15, a Broughton High School freshman and one of the plaintiffs in a lawsuit against the system that was dismissed Friday. The protesters want the board to put off consideration of the new assignment plan and rescind a policy under which people must get tickets to attend school board meetings. Elena Everett, an activist with from Durham-based Southern Coalition for Social Justice, helped organize the protest.

Charges of Corruption Put GPD Under Scrutiny

Charges of corruption put GPD under scrutiny By Jordan Green A week after back-to-back protests in which college students and area ministers committed civil disobedience to highlight what they characterize as a culture of corruption and double standards in the Greensboro Police Department, the state president of the NAACP announced he was seeking an outside review by state and federal agencies. “The Greensboro Police Department is deeply embroiled in a culture of corruption and a pattern of unequal application of the laws,” said the Rev. William J. Barber II, the state NAACP president, in a letter sent to NC Attorney General Roy Cooper, US Sen. Kay Hagan and US Rep. Mel Watt. “These members of the community, in Greensboro, believe that the Greensboro Police Department is out of control.” Concerns about practices within the department center on the treatment of Officer AJ Blake, alleged harassment of the Latin Kings by the gang unit, a pending federal discrimination lawsuit filed by 39 black officers and closed session discussions by the Greensboro City Council about settling a separate suit filed by former Chief David Wray. Students calling themselves Spirit of the Sit-In Movement Initiative had converted the 30-minute speakers from the floor segment at the beginning of city council meetings into a social justice seminar, with a handful at each meeting using their allotted three minutes to outline various aspects of their case and to explain the philosophical underpinnings of civil disobedience. While the council decided by majority vote on May 18 to move speakers from the floor to the end of the meeting in an attempt to deny the protesters a platform, Shaina Anderson promised that the students will maintain pressure on the city with Greensboro Justice Summer, an effort modeled on the Mississippi Freedom Summer campaign of 1964, that will include two public hearings, a voter registration drive, active engagement with white clergy and business leaders, and recruiting a legal team to support further protests. Along with the Spirit of the Sit-In Movement Initiative, the three other stakeholder organizations are the Pulpit Forum, the Beloved Community Center and the Greensboro branch NAACP. Official Greensboro’s response to the calls for transparency and reform in the police department has ranged from stony silence to outright denial. Mayor Bill Knight’s reaction has been particularly perplexing. During his mayoral campaign last fall, Knight candidly discussed his belief that former Chief David Wray was pushed out of the department without cause. “We’ve got some serious problems in the police department that need to be addressed,” he told an audience at a candidate forum sponsored by the League of Women Voters of the Piedmont Triad in September, before expressing the view that police Chief Tim Bellamy, who is black, was appointed to his position “primarily because of race.” On May 14, Knight flatly stated in a city issued press release: “There is no corruption within the Greensboro Police Department.” The mayor declined a request by YES! Weekly to further discuss his viewpoint. And following months of negative publicity about an alleged pattern of misconduct by black police officers, the previous council approved a resolution requesting action by the NC General Assembly to allow the city’s complaint reviewcil quietly withdrew the request. “The reason is because we were told in the hearing that the police department was 100 percent behind it, and it was not,” at-large Councilman Robbie Perkins said recently. “That was some misinformation that the council got. As soon as the city council found out that the chief was not behind it and the department was not behind it, we backed off.” In fact, Bellamy had addressed the council before the vote was taken and publicly endorsed the request to increase citizen oversight of the department. “It’s going to build more trust in the community,” he said at the time, “and more trust within the department. Plus, council is always talking about being more transparent. This will be more transparent to the citizens.” A misunderstanding that led to NC Rep. Pricey Harrison drafting language to strengthen the complaint review board caused a minor controversy about a week after the two civil disobedience actions. If the weeks of petition and protest have done anything to shake the councilman’s confidence in the department, he hasn’t let on. “I think the department’s doing fine, and I’m not going to do anything to encumber them just to give certain segments of the community what they want,” Perkins said. “We’re not going to be distracted by people saying there’s corruption in the police department when there’s no evidence of that.” Dianne Bellamy-Small, one of two black representatives on the nine-member council, echoed that sentiment a fortnight before five students took over the dais and then allowed themselves to be arrested outside of council chambers. “We don’t need for citizens to think that we currently operate in a police department that is corrupt,” she said. “I don’t believe that Chief Bellamy would allow corruption to continue under his watch. Part of the reason he was brought in was because of some things that happened in the previous administration. “I just want to ask the city manager that if we can get specific times, dates and accusations that can be addressed, then I think that we as a responsible body would address those. Am I correct, Mayor?” “Yes, ma’am,” Knight replied. Where’s the corruption, city leaders have asked, as the pastors and students have reviewed the travails of Blake, the Latin Kings and a host of black officers who are plaintiffs in the discrimination suit for the umpteenth time. “It’s more than just double standards,” said Greensboro branch NAACP President Cardes things that seem to be inconsistent.” The chief argued back that if the protesters are citing Blake, the Latin Kings and the federal discrimination lawsuit, “then I don’t think that constitutes the term ‘corruption.’ My term of corruption is if we have officers shaking down drug dealers, taking money, money laundering, selling drugs, doing drugs, committing criminal violations and those kind of things. And if that’s corruption, then no, I don’t think the three things that they have outlined as corruption fits the standard of corruption.” Jorge Cornell, 33, is an ex-felon of Puerto Rican descent from New York City. Last year, he made an unsuccessful bid for city council, although he came within two votes of outpolling Perkins in a precinct that covers the neighborhood of Glenwood in the primary contest. Cornell came with his wife, Alana, to Greensboro in 2002, and for the first three years his life here was mainly consumed with work and family. They have two daughters. The disintegration of Cornell’s marriage propelled him into the nightlife. It was an incident at a bar catering to Latinos near the Greensboro Coliseum that prompted him in 2005 to gather a group of young men together under the name of the North Carolina Almighty Latin King and Queen Nation, he said. A car accident had taken place and four Spanish-speaking kids had fled the scene. Cornell said he watched the police come into the bar and charge four Latinos who had nothing to do with the accident, two of whom did not even know each other. Considered a street gang by law enforcement, the Latin Kings’ criminal history is intertwined with a longstanding legacy of ethnic selfdefense and social justice. The bitter campaign of the Greensboro Police Department’s gang enforcement unit to suppress the Latin Kings is a distinct outgrowth of the Bellamy years. The gang unit’s hatred of the Latin Kings dates back to May 2006, four months after Bellamy was appointed interim chief. Three Latin Kings, Robert Vasquez, Daniel Vasquez and Randolph Kilfoil, had been arrested in connection with an assault. Cornell appeared at the magistrate’s office and began yelling that the jailers were assaulting his three cohorts. Cited for contempt by the magistrate, Cornell was placed in handcuffs as the other three briefly refused to cooperate with two police officers by jumping about. If anything, the Latin Kings’ problems with the gang unit appeared to compound after Cornell and a handful of his members appeared in June 2008 at a press conference with the Pulpit Forum, a group of African-American pastors whose jeremiads for social justice have black gangs, although the ALKQN has had at least two white members and works closely with white college students, including future members of the Spirit of the Sit-In Movement. About a month after announcing the peace effort, Cornell was shot by a yet unknown assailant in the breezeway at Cedar West at Cedar West Apartments on Boulevard Street. Sgt. Ronald Sizemore, supervisor of Squad B of the gang unit, would later acknowledge that he told another Latin King member that he would have liked nothing better than waking up in the morning and reading in the newspaper that Cornell had been killed. With the support of the Pulpit Forum, the Latin Kings were able to file formal complaints against the police through the city’s human relations department. “There were a lot of times when we were harassed, but we were never taken into jail,” Cornell said. “Before we met Dr. [Anthony] Wade and the human relations commission we were denied access into the building to file reports with internal affairs. We said we had rights. They said we don’t have rights because we were gang members.” Since the North Carolina ALKQN’s founding in September 2005, Cornell has accumulated a total of 20 charges in the Guilford County court system, including 13 felony charges. The charges have yielded four convictions — all for misdemeanors, including the contempt charge, two charges of resisting an officer and one for disorderly conduct. He has beaten 11 felony conspiracy charges related to a false allegation by a girlfriend of a Latin King member that the organization was engaging in extortion by forcing her to embezzle from the store in which she was employed at Four Seasons Town Center, along with charges of felony abduction of children and drug dealing. An analysis by YES! Weekly of charges against Latin Kings members since late 2005 shows that the Greensboro Police Department has achieved a 19.6 percent conviction rate. When narrowed to felony charges, the Latin Kings’ conviction rate declines to 10.8 percent. In comparison, an analysis of the most recent statistics available from the NC Administrative Office of the Courts in Raleigh indicates that the conviction rate for all felony charges filed in Guilford County Courts is 65.4 percent. “Behind these numbers is the actual experience of dozens of individuals who have been arrested and humiliated, having to post bond, coming to court numerous times and they and their families’ lives being disrupted, as well as occasionally losing their jobs,” said Chris Brook, a lawyer at the Durham-based Southern Coalition for Social Justice who has represented Latin King Russell Kilfoil in a civil matter, “all for charges which are much more frequently than not dismissed by the DA because they are without merit.” The four felony convictions accumulated by Latin Kings’ members include conspiracy robbery with a dangerous weapon and possession of a stolen firearm. Among those dismissed by the district attorney’s office were felony charges for altering a serial number on a firearm and attempted first-degree murder. Of 16 traffic charges brought against members, two have resulted in convictions, both for failure to notify the DMV of address change. “There’s extreme inefficiency and poor judgment, if not intentional targeting,” said Lewis Pitts a local lawyer sympathetic to the aims of the Pulpit Forum and the Latin Kings who is employed with NC Legal Aid. “It could be considered criminal justice misfeasance and misusing taxpayers’ money.” Officer AJ Blake, a black officer of Honduran descent who was assigned to Sizemore’s squad throughout the latter half of 2008, said he complained to fellow gang unit officer Eric Sigmon that it seemed Sizemore only wanted to investigate Latino gangs. “If the goal is to gather evidence so we can send them away to prison,” he would say later after appearing at press conference organized by the Pulpit Forum, “it doesn’t make sense to have them looking over their shoulders all the time because we’re arresting them for things like throwing a cigarette on the ground. If you look at Chapter 20, the statute book for traffic violations, you could almost charge them with anything. I said, ‘We’re going to give them the indication that we’re harassing them.’ Nobody’s that perfect, everybody messes up if you watch them long enough, and nobody’s that unlucky that they get arrested practically every day.” The Greensboro Police Department Directive manual addresses this type of behavior. Directive 1.8.1 on Arbitrary Profiling states, “The purpose of this directive is to establish a prohibition against any police action based solely on arbitrary stereotypes or profiles. The Greensboro Police Department is committed to equal and fair treatment of all citizens, and will act responsibly in every capacity to continuously enhance public trust and support the ideals of a democratic and free society.” After coming out publicly about the gang unit’s practices, Blake said that he had filed two complaints against other officers for displaying racial prejudice against Latinos. In one incident, Blake said another officer made a comment during a nightclub stakeout describing Latinos as “wetbacks,” that the patrons looked like “illegal immigrants” and that “he was disgusted that a blond-haired, blue-eyed woman would degrade herself with illegal immigrants.” In a separate incident, Blake said another officer joked that since Blake was from Honduras he must be a gang member, and that he considered everyone from Honduras to be a gang member. Chief Bellamy responded last June that the complaints had been investigated by supervisors, and appropriate action had been taken. Blake is also a plaintiff in the federal discrimination suit brought by 39 black officers that addresses departmental practices during the Wray era. “We protect folks raising issues in their agencies,” said City Manager Rashad Young, who was hired by the city last October, during a March 12 press conference. “This is not a culture that I would tolerate or the chief would tolerate, is retaliation against an officer for bringing concerns to us.” On a frigid night in January 2009 as a drunken party held at the Greensboro Police Club on Air Harbor Road wound down, Officer AJ Blake fell into an argument with his fiance, Sandra Sanchez. Blake would later testify that he called Sanchez a ‘whore,’ but denied a fellow officers’ claim that he derided her with the racial epithet ‘spic.’ He admitted that in his anger he kicked Sanchez’s car door, snapped his cell phone in two and threw his police ID card down in the parking lot. Cpl. RR Neal testified that Sgt. Sizemore, Blake’s immediate supervisor, was too intoxicated to give a statement during the initial investigation. Departmental directives on private life hold that “a police officer’s character and conduct while off duty must always be exemplary, thus maintaining a position of respect in the community in which he or she serves. The officer’s personal behavior must be beyond reproach.” Blake was charged with assault on a female based on a complaint by Lorraine Galloway, an employee of the NC Justice Academy in Salemburg who attended the party as the date of Greensboro police officer Craig Myrick. Galloway said Blake extended his hand and shoved her back when she confronted him about attacking Sanchez with a running kick. In a jury trial months later, no one else at the party would testify to seeing the alleged assault on Sanchez, and the jury would also acquit Blake of assaulting Galloway. The department had received a long run of adverse publicity surrounding what appeared to be unending internal investigations of black officers accused of misconduct. Revelations of Blake’s arrest would prompt a surge of indignant comment in the pages of the conservative Rhinoceros Times and on local blogs. An anonymous commenter on the Troublemaker blog asked, “Will all the other officers that saw something stand up and do the right thing or will they coward [sic] to the pressure from the ‘Black Mafia’? Please guys and girls stand up for what is right! Ethics, morals is there anyone out there with any? You all know this dirt bag, he’s a repeat offender of this nature, do the right thing. Someone witnessed [sic] will tell the truth.” Detective James Schwochow testified in trial that Sanchez told him the morning after the party that Blake had not assaulted her in any way. Crime scene investigator Christa Leonard testified that she saw no marks on the white coat Sanchez had worn, nor marks on her exposed back. Schwochow testified that he had not wanted to bring the second assault charge against Blake, but did so at the order of his supervisor, who confided that police commanders conferred with the Guilford County District Attorney’s office about the case. “Detective Schwochow testified under oath. Other than that, I’m not going to comment on it,” Assistant District Attorney Howard Neumann said. “I don’t think the decsion-making process up here is subject to public review necessarily.” Neumann said the district attorney’s office routinely confers with law enforcement agencies about investigations. “We can’t order the police to do anything; they’re an independent agency,” Neumann said. “We have no control over them, just as they have no control over us. We can suggest they do something. We can say, ‘If you do this, we’re not going to prosecute this.” Bellamy did not respond to requests for clarification of several matters for this story. Questions remain unanswered about whether the police department and the district attorney’s office caved in to community pressure to expedite discipline against black officers perceived as being engaged in misconduct, or about whether elements within the two agencies acted to capitalize on a perceived opportunity to discredit plaintiffs in the federal discrimination lawsuit. The Pulpit Forum asked in a Jan. 21 letter to Chief Bellamy: “Does the act of ordering a detective, trained in gathering evidence (who presumably has more information than anyone else), to file charges against anyone, when that detective feels there is insufficient basis for criminal charges, raise any ethical or legal issues for you?” No answer has been forthcoming. Blake was terminated by Chief Bellamy about 10 days before his case went to trial in superior court, in which a jury would acquit him of both assault charges. In contrast, the department waited until after a trial in which white officers Scott Sanders and Tom Fox were acquitted of felony charges to begin the administrative process. They were both restored to regular duty in November 2009. “Were there compelling, legitimate reasons in the cases of Officer Fox and Officer Sanders to wait until after their superior court trials were completed before holding their administrative hearings?” the pastors ask. “If so, what are the reasons, and what made the circumstances different from AJ Blake’s case? Are you concerned about double standards within the GPD? Is it not reasonable, in your opinion, for officers of the GPD to be concerned about double standards?” Following Blake’s acquittal, the terminated officer appeared at a press conference at the Beloved Community Center with Jorge Cornell, at which the Rt. Rev. Chip Marble, assisting bishop for the Episcopal Diocese of North Carolina, gave the invocation. Bellamy’s decision to terminate Blake was overturned by then-Acting City Manager Bob Morgan, prompting protests from rank and file officers. The Greensboro Police Officers Association sent a letter to Morgan and members of council stating that Blake had violated numerous departmental directives, including “baseless accusations against fine officers as well as consorting with a convicted felon and known gang leader.” Directive 1.5.10 on Association With Criminals states, “Employees shall not associate with persons whom they know or reasonably should know to be criminals, prostitutes, gamblers, suspected felons, persons under criminal investigation or indictment, or have a reputation in the community for present involvement in criminal behavior, except as necessary in the performance of official duty or where unavoidable because of family relationships.” Blake said when he returned to duty, Capt. John Wolfe, who supervises the gang enforcement unit, demeaned him in the presence of his fiance as a “sorry sack or shit.” Another officer was reportedly quoted as saying that he would not provide assistance to Blake if called to do so. The pastors allege that a flier was posted on the wall of the Western Division Substation calling Blake ‘unfit’ and criticizing the acting city manager for making “uneducated decisions.” Directive 1.5.2 on Conduct Toward Public and Employees states, “Employees shall be respectful, courteous and impartial when dealing with the public and other employees. Employees shall not harass, use coarse, violent, profane, derogatory, insubordinate, or insolent language or gestures.” Michael Speedling has come into the spotlight since his appointment in February as assistant city manager for public safety and human resources, while police Chief Tim Bellamy prepares for retirement this summer. Directive 1.5.13 on Required Assistance states, “Officers shall take appropriate police action to aid a fellow officer or citizen exposed to danger.” “A Latino officer, AJ Blake, has gone through more than a year of horrendous experience for what boils down to being a whistleblower concerning anti-Latino discrimination and prejudices,” said the Rev. Barber of the NC NAACP. “The situation has reached a volatile point. The lack of faith in the integrity of the system has deteriorated the social conditions that promote effective law enforcement and the partnerships that encourage public safety.” Michael Speedling, assistant city manager for public safety and human resources, said the alleged mistreatment of Blake after his return to duty has been investigated, and in one case action was taken against a supervisor. “People that bring allegations forward have a right to bring them forward,” Speedling said. “We do hear the case. People are held accountable to ensure that they continued to treat employees with dignity and respect.” Blake will appear before the NC Criminal Justice Education and Training Standards Commission in Apex on Friday to determine whether his law enforcement license will be suspended. Last December, Officer Roman Watkins, a member of the gang unit, visited the Greensboro Coliseum, where Latin King Wesley Williams was employed through a temporary labor service setting up mats for a professional wrestling event. Hector Garcia, branch manager at Patriot Services, confirmed to YES! Weekly at the time that his staff had been informed by the police department that Williams was banned from city property and could no longer work at the coliseum. Deputy City Manager Bob Morgan later contradicted the police assertion, stating unequivocally that there was no such ban. The incident remains under investigation, Speedling said. City Manager Rashad Young said recently that he doesn’t think Officer Watkins was necessarily dishonest, and that if an officer lied to make a civilian lose employment it would not necessarily constitute corruption. “Have you considered that this kind of activity might push the members of the ALKQN and others toward criminal activity?” the pastors ask the chief. Members of the Latin Kings have filed 18 complaints against the Greensboro Police Department, the latest on May 20. The organization has been filing complaints faster than the complaint review committee can resolve them. Speedling said he has been meeting on a weekly basis with Human Relations Administrator Yamile Walker to try to get a backlog of cases cleared out. He has told internal affairs that he wants investigations into citizen complaints to be completed within 90 days. US Rep. Mel Watt, who represents North Carolina’s 12th Congressional District and serves on the House Judiciary Committee, said he has received Rev. Barber’s letter. “We’re in the process of reviewing it to get more familiar with what has been transpiring,” he said. “We’re talking to people in the community to find out what has been transpiring.” While incidents involving members of the Latin Kings have garnered the most public attention, allegations of police misconduct have mounted across the board. “The volume and complexity of the complaints coming to us has increased substantially, said Wayne Abraham, then chairman of the human relations commission, last June. “In 2008, the committee had 14 complaints appealed to it. This year, by the end of May, we already had 20 complaints.” One person the congressman might hear from is 85-year-old Eva Foster, a retired educator. Foster told the city council on May 18 that Chief Bellamy reneged on a promise to make sure she was reimbursed for medical costs in the aftermath of a traumatic experience with police officers that caused her to suffer from insomnia. The incident took place at Oriental Market on Coliseum Boulevard on Sept. 21, 2009. “A group of vice-squad members entered the place with guns drawn and told everyone to get on the floor immediately,” Foster said. “‘Put your hands behind your back.’ I attempted to do so, but failed to act fast enough. Once I was stretched out on the floor, a white police officer roughly handled me as he placed me in handcuffs. During this episode, I screamed for someone to help me. A black officer came over and helped me get off the floor. I screamed so loud that they finally let me put my hands in front of my body. I was released after they discovered I was not guilty of any crime.” “The rest,” she said, pausing for dramatic effect, “is black history.”

Knowing Struggles, Past and Present: Interactive Map of Durham Traces Human and Civil Rights Activism

Take a stroll through Durham civil and human rights activism (past and present) on the Pauli Murray Project’s ever growing website. Through audio interviews and text embedded in an interactive map you can see the layered stories behind the new pedestrian bridge lowered over the Durham Freeway/147. This bridge re-connects a neighborhood, home to mostly African-American working-class families, bisected when highway 147 was routed through it twenty years ago. You might have known about the 1957 protests in front of the Royal Ice Cream Parlor on Roxboro Road, just north of downtown, long before the historical marker was erected this year, but do you know this site is a few blocks away from a central locale on W. Main St. where human rights activists fight healthcare injustices within the offices of the organization El Centro Hispano? Durham is a city with a rich history of struggle for racial and economic justice, for human and civil rights, and this interactive map is the start of reclaiming the specific and complex histories of Durham. Take, for example, the West Village Apartment Buildings—formerly the Liggett Myers Tobacco Factory, closed in 1999. When you click on the link, you see a photo of workers walking under the covered bridge that is now a corridor from one apartment building to another. This older photo is placed between current pictures of a pristine blue swimming pool and a spacious hardwood floored apartment of West Village. An audio clip narrates a worker’s memory of work in the building when black and white women workers were segregated. Current marketing of downtown Durham feature the famous tobacco warehouses-turned-studio-apartments/faux-revolution-restaurants that are the revamped darlings of this city. To a visitor or new resident, these buildings may hint at a story of gritty work and harder times, without really knowing the specific story of working conditions, or the multi-racial anti-segregation activist organization housed down the street from this segregated workplace. For many downtown visitors and loft-dwellers, the ambiguous stories of harder times embodied within the structures of the high-ceiling brick-walled tobacco buildings somehow sweeten the food in the farm-to-fork restaurants. The walls that were constructed to facilitate an industry reliant upon monoculture farming, sharecropping, and racially and economically stratified industry are now filled with food from small, local farms and a ‘clean’ restaurant industry. However, these buildings are more than testaments of the tobacco industry in Durham and the city’s re-emergence as a city fueled by research, education and pharmaceuticals. They house stories of stratification that still linger in Durham’s under-invested and segregated neighborhoods, displacing processes of gentrification, and trials of low-wage restaurant, farm-worker, service, and healthcare workers. This map is a way to explore past struggles and triumphs of Durham as they intertwine with the present. Check it out and re-engage with the struggles of Durham as you travel to work, the farmer’s market, or settle in at home. Mapping Civil and Human Activism— http://paulimurrayproject.org/mapping-civil-human-activism-live-now/

The Anti-Arizona

Two weeks ago, Arizona passed the nation's strictest immigration law, SB 1070, which requires local police to demand proof of citizenship if they suspect a person is undocumented. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Assistant Secretary John Morton condemned the measure, saying it would get in the way of federal programs designed to target, "identify, and remove criminal aliens." One of these programs, Secure Communities, is already in place in seven Arizona counties and more than 150 other jurisdictions nationwide. It operates by enlisting states to run arrest data from local jails against a federal database of immigration records. ICE agents then use the system to deport people living in the country illegally and legal residents with criminal convictions. The program has been expanding -- in just the past year, 20 states have signed on -- but on Tuesday it hit a roadblock in the nation's capital. D.C. City Council members voted unanimously to introduce a bill that would make the District the first jurisdiction in the country to ban Secure Communities. "This is like something out of George Orwell. This is really 'insecure communities,'" argues District Council member Jim Graham, who represents an area that is home to many of the District's immigrants. Several Council members said the program could lead to more laws like the one passed in Arizona, which they described as "horrific." Washington, D.C., has a long history of resisting collaboration with federal immigration officials. A 1984 memorandum from Mayor Marion Barry Jr. forbids city agencies, officers, and employees from asking about citizenship or residency. So when the District's police chief quietly signed on to the program last November without consulting the City Council, Graham was outraged. "This is the type of thing that there are so many questions about, so many suspicions about, that it's best that we just not do it," he said during a committee meeting in March. One of the main objections to the program is that it targets undocumented immigrants charged with minor offenses -- such as disorderly conduct -- and longtime legal residents with criminal records who have become productive members of society. ICE claims the program focuses on dangerous felons, but its own data suggest otherwise. Fewer than 15 percent of the immigrants it identified last year were "level one" offenders. Most were arrested and deported for smaller crimes, like minor traffic violations. By opening the door to police-ICE collaboration, the program has also affected how local communities interact with local law enforcement. Critics point out that in cities that have adopted the program, fewer immigrants report crimes or are willing to help with other investigations. The prospect of similar problems in D.C. is especially galling for Ron Hampton, executive director of the National Black Police Association. He spent 25 years on the District's police force and helped develop its community-policing strategy as a way to prevent crime. "One of the top foundations of community policing is developing trust," he says. "Now this program stands to reverse all of that." Opponents of the program also point out that the program shares data of people charged with crimes even if they have not been convicted. In North Carolina, one of the first states to adopt the program, civil-liberties advocates say immigrants never get their day in court. "We have a drawer full of cases of people who were deported before their criminal case ever came up," says Marty Rosenbluth, a staff attorney with the Southern Coalition for Social Justice based in Durham. D.C. Police Chief Cathy Lanier insists she is listening to her critics and learning from problems that have surfaced in other states. She promised Council members she would not implement the program until she had a plan that addressed some of their concerns, such as the need to protect victims of domestic violence who fear arrest if they report abuse. Still, she stands by her push to eventually participate in the program. "If there's something I can do to reduce violent crime in the city, I certainly want to look into that," she told the Council. The Council wants no part of it. The bill to "prohibit the District of Columbia to transmit arrest data" to ICE still has to work its way through the committee process and then back to the Council. Ultimately, it will be reviewed by Congress, and ICE has said there is no way to opt out of the program except to stop fingerprinting people, so it is unclear how successful a ban on it will be. But it had unanimous backing from the Council, and a diverse cross section of the city's immigrant, faith, and civil-liberties groups have embraced the measure. Buoyed by backlash against the Arizona law, they say the bill signals the beginning of a national push against increased collaboration between police and immigration officials. "What we're doing in D.C. is setting a precedent," says Sarahi Uribe, a D.C.-based organizer with the National Day Laborer Organizing Network and coordinator of UncoverTheTruth.org, a national campaign against Secure Communities. The campaign's motto is "No More Arizonas." Renee Feltz and Stokely Baksh are supported in part by a Soros Justice Media Fellowship. Their previous collaboration is online at BusinessofDetention.com.

NC Open Meetings Law

From The text of the NC Open Meetings Law, which requires that organizations making policy in North Carolina conduct their business openly. The text of…